Haiti: A Call for Solidarity

“The poorest country in the hemisphere, a failed state, controlled by violent gangs.”
That is what we hear about Haiti in the news today—that is, when we hear about Haiti at all.

Long-time Global Exchange Board Member, Pierre LaBoissiere, is the co-founder of the Haiti Action Committee and the Haiti Emergency Relief Fund. In this interview, he responds to persistent and erroneous notions about Haiti and turns assumptions about the need for foreign intervention on their head. He calls for increased communication and solidarity with Haiti’s grassroots movements.

How is it possible that Haiti—a country rich in natural resources, including oil, bauxite, silver, gold, iridium, and beautiful Caribbean beaches—is considered the poorest country in the world?

Haiti’s “poverty” is rooted in a history of racist repression that continues today. Haiti’s troubles started in 1492 when Christopher Columbus landed on Ayiti, “the land of high mountains,” the island Haiti shares with the Dominican Republic today.

Spanish colonists first decimated the Indigenous Taino people and then quickly imported kidnapped and enslaved Africans to work their gold mines and sugar plantations. Then came the French, who, in 1697, took over the western part of the newly named Hispaniola Island (where Haiti is today). With the labor of one-third of all kidnapped and enslaved Africans of that era, the French turned Haiti into their richest colony, cultivating half of all the sugar and coffee consumed in Europe. Enslaved people produced all that wealth but did not share in it.

When France’s dispossessed rebelled against the aristocracy in 1789, it is little wonder that the enslaved masses in Haiti also rebelled and organized their own revolution that swept the French from the island. But when Haiti fought against slavery and won its independence from France, it then faced French sanctions that isolated the country economically until it agreed that its population, which had just emancipated itself from slavery, would pay “reparations” to compensate France for its loss of “assets.” During the next 122 years, Haitians were forced to pay an “Independence Tax,” totaling tens of billions in today’s dollars, while local elites with connections to colonial powers consolidated their grip on Haiti.

But Haiti is not only missing what was stolen then; the theft continues today. In the 1990s, the Lavalas movement came to power, and people’s movements around the country demanded long-overdue land redistribution. They fought to redirect their tax payments toward social development, like schools and healthcare. During the Lavalas government, rich people in the business sector were taxed—fairly but like never before—to pay for literacy programs, rural health clinics, and clean water projects.

The U.S. found Aristide and the Lavalas movement (which translates to “an unstoppable flood of water”) to be too much and removed him from office in a coup d’etat in 2004. After that, the U.S., France, and Canada supported one repressive regime after another, and the country remained poor.

We hear about a gang takeover, but you say we should call them death squads or paramilitary groups?

We call them death squads because of how they are organized and operate. Criminal gangs tend to go after individuals with resources or each other for turf, or they shake people down. They don’t move through an area systematically in its entirety—firing into people’s homes, invading homes of people who are disabled or elderly. There was an 82-year-old grandma who was thrown off a balcony and dragged through the street. What would the gangs get out of that?

The most well-known leader, Jimmy “Barbecue” Cherizier, was a former elite police officer who uses his connections to protect other members. Even with warrants for gang members’ arrest, they have received police escorts and have even worked together with the police to “provide protection for a fee.” When you see this collusion between the police and these organized structures, you have to assume that it is organized at the highest level. They target particular neighborhoods, especially those known to support Lavalas or where people have demonstrated against the government. The gangs have declared they will not allow any kind of demonstrations in those areas. They shoot and kill demonstrators. Neither “Barbecue” nor “Izo,” the other major leader, has grassroots support to establish a government, but having a lot of guns can get you a fair amount of cooperation.

Haiti doesn’t manufacture weapons; how are they getting into the hands of these death squads?

According to a United Nations report, the weapons are coming in from South Florida. Some are purchased from straw buyers or from states with lax gun laws. The weapons are coming in containers through various ports of entry. They even brag about the weapons and show off brand-new ones direct from the factory, still in their wrappings.

In July 2022, the hierarchy of the Episcopal Church was caught red-handed when authorities in Haiti seized a haul of 17 semi-automatic weapons, a 12-gauge shotgun, four pistols, and 15,000 rounds of ammunition stuffed in a shipment from Florida bound for a Haitian Episcopal Church. Several high-ranking church members were imprisoned because of this scandal.

Who benefits from all this killing and chaos?

I translated a document revealing that some candidates for parliamentary office have been courted by foreign enterprises interested in Haiti’s mineral wealth. They would help finance electoral campaigns in exchange for votes approving projects giving access to the country’s mineral resources, specifically gypsum, oil, gold, and bauxite/aluminum.

Several of these areas are now controlled by gangs. Haitian grassroots organizations feel this is part of a larger plan that does not include the well-being of the people but destabilizes communities, forcing residents to leave. The people’s movement has mobilized against the push by the “international community” to impose changes in the Haitian Constitution, allowing full multinational access to Haiti’s minerals, including uranium and iridium. In the opinion of many, the gangs are guarding these areas for powerful economic interests. Many Haitians view the policies of post-coup governments to encourage mass legal migration as part of a plan to depopulate coastal Port-au-Prince neighborhoods and turn them into tourist resorts.

What will be helpful? Why doesn’t the people’s movement want foreign intervention?

The problem with foreign intervention is that foreigners only work with the Haitian elite, the business class, which doesn’t benefit ordinary people. The Haitian people remember the cholera epidemic brought by the last UN intervention. They remember the massacres, the sexual violence, and the commitment of foreign forces to keep corrupt governments in power. Many believe the uptick in violence was created to justify foreign intervention.

What is Lavalas proposing as a solution?

Lavalas has been presenting plans since 2018 to resolve the crisis. They have called for the resignation of the current leadership and the formation of a new government by a coalition representing various sectors of society. This coalition would select honest, competent individuals to form a government of public safety, called a Sali Piblik, focused on restoring the functionality of ministries such as justice/security, health, education, environment, and agriculture, and eliminating corruption. The Haitian police have enough equipment and enough honest officers to fight the death squads if they aren’t sabotaged by corrupt leaders and smuggled U.S. weapons of war.

Learn more at haitisolidarity.net.